中共前最高领导人江泽民去世，享年96岁Jiang Zemin, Leader Who Guided China Into Global Market, Dies at 96储百亮, MICHAEL WINES2022年11月30日 1998年，江泽民在香港。作为中国的领导人，江泽民所积累的影响力在他正式退休后仍持续了很长时间，使他在挑选现任领导人习近平时有很大发言权。ROBYN BECK/AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGESJiang Zemin, the Shanghai Communist kingpin who was handpicked to lead China after the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and presided over a decade of meteoric economic growth, died on Wednesday. He was 96. 上海帮共产党大佬江泽民周三逝世，享年96岁。江泽民在1989年天安门事件之后被选拔为中国领导人，他在任的10年里，中国经济经历了飞速的增长。 A Communist Party announcement issued by Chinese state media said he died in Shanghai of leukemia and multiple organ failure. 中国官方媒体发布的一份共产党公告称，他因白血病和多脏器功能衰竭在上海逝世。 His death and the memorial ceremonies to follow come at a delicate moment in China, where the ruling Communist Party is confronting a wave of widespread protests against its pandemic controls, a nationwide surge of political opposition unseen since the Tiananmen movement of Mr. Jiang’s time. 他的逝世及即将举办的追悼会恰逢中国一个微妙的时刻，目前执政的共产党正在面对一波针对疫情封控措施的广泛抗议，全国各地政治反对意见激增，这是自江泽民时代的天安门运动以来从未有过的。 Mr. Jiang was president of China for a decade from 1993. In the eyes of many foreign politicians, Mr. Jiang was the garrulous, disarming exception to the mold of stiff, unsmiling Chinese leaders. He was the Communist who would quote Lincoln, proclaim his love for Hollywood films and burst into songs like “Love Me Tender.” 江泽民自1993年起担任国家主席。在许多外国政治人物的眼中，他风趣健谈，容易使人放下戒心，那种风格在历届不苟言笑、僵硬划一的中国领导人中是个例外。他是那种会引用林肯名言，承认喜爱好莱坞电影，会即兴唱起猫王的《温柔地爱我》的共产党人。 Less enthralled Chinese called him a “flowerpot,” likening him to a frivolous ornament, and mocking his quirky vanities. In his later years young fans celebrated him, tongue-in-cheek, with the nickname “toad.” But Mr. Jiang’s unexpected rise and quirks led others to underestimate him, and over 13 years as Communist Party general secretary he matured into a wily politician who vanquished a succession of rivals. 对他好感和兴趣较少的中国人叫他“花瓶”，把他比作一件华而不实的装饰品，嘲笑他的烦文虚饰。晚年的江泽民被青年拥趸戏称为“蛤蛤”。但是，江泽民意料之外的上位和他与众不同的个性让其他人低估了他。在作为中共总书记的13年内，他成长为一名老谋深算的政客，打败了一个又一个对手。 Mr. Jiang’s stewardship of the capitalist transformation that had begun under Deng Xiaoping was one of his signal accomplishments. He also amassed political influence that endured long past his formal retirement, giving him a big say behind the scenes in picking the current president, Xi Jinping. 江泽民领导了邓小平时代开启的资本主义转型，这可以说是他的标志性成就之一。他还积聚了极大的政治影响力，在正式退休之后很多年，其影响力仍然不减。在选拔现任领导人习近平的过程中，他在幕后有极大的发言权。 2015年，中国国家主席习近平和他的前任江泽民（中）、胡锦涛（右）在天安门广场的阅兵式上。AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE — GETTY IMAGES“This idea that he was a buffoon somehow crept into the descriptions of him,” said J. Stapleton Roy, the United States ambassador to China from 1991 to 1995. “I always found that absurd. This was not a lightweight in terms of knowing how to maneuver within the political thickets at the top of China’s leadership.” “有种观念认为他就是一个小丑，这种想法潜移默化地进入了对他这个人的描述，”1991到1995年任美国驻华大使的芮效俭(J. Stapleton Roy)说。“我始终觉得很荒唐。他很清楚如何在中国高层的政治丛林中穿行，这绝不是一个简单的人物。” In a meeting with former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger in July 2013, Mr. Jiang endorsed Mr. Xi as a “strong” leader. But Mr. Jiang’s own first years as leader were dogged by hesitancy and vulnerability after he was catapulted to the top of the Communist Party. 2013年7月会晤美国前国务卿亨利·阿尔弗雷德·基辛格(Henry Alfred Kissinger)时，江泽民称习近平是个“能干”的领导人。然而，在骤然跻身中共权力顶峰之后最初的几年，江泽民本人始终无法摆脱犹疑不决和易被攻击的困扰。 At first he tried to mollify ascendant conservatives who opposed China’s tentative steps toward a market economy. But ultimately he pushed to open the economy to the outside world even after Mr. Deng’s health and power had waned. 起初，他试图安抚崛起的保守派，这一派反对中国试探性地转向市场经济。但最终，他推动中国经济对外开放，即使在邓小平健康状况和权力都开始衰落之后，也坚持了这个方向。 Under Mr. Jiang, China emerged as a major manufacturing power and as a rising economic rival to the developed world. 江泽民时期，中国成为一个制造大国，也成为发达国家的一个正在崛起的经济对手。 Relations with the United States proved rocky during his tenure, particularly early on, when the carnage of 1989 cast a long shadow. But Mr. Jiang may be viewed in hindsight as a pragmatist. Unlike his successors in the Communist Party, he seemed convinced that China could not thrive for long as an adversary of the United States. 他执政期间，中国与美国的关系大起大落，特别是在最初几年，1989年的天安门屠杀留下了一道长长的阴影。但回头来看，江泽民可算是一个实用主义者。他不像他的几位前任，他似乎认定，中国若与美国为敌，将不能长久繁荣。 “He always put heavy primacy on the U.S. relationship, and I think he took some risks to advance the relationship,” said Christopher K. Johnson, a senior fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute’s Center for China Analysis. Mr. Johnson, a C.I.A. analyst when Mr. Jiang was in power, added: “He knew how to flip the anti-U.S. switch when he had to.” “他始终优先考虑与美国的关系，我认为他在推动两国关系中还冒过一些风险，”美国亚洲协会政策研究院中国问题中心的高级研究员克里斯多夫·K·约翰逊说。“他知道怎样根据需要随时打开或关上反美的开关。”江泽民执政时期，约翰逊是一名中央情报局分析师。 1999年，贝尔格莱德，被北约导弹击中的中国大使馆。 ASSOCIATED PRESSWhen American-guided bombs hit the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, killing three Chinese journalists during the breakup of Yugoslavia, Mr. Jiang rejected the Clinton administration’s explanation that the bombing was an accident. 1999年，南斯拉夫解体期间，美国导弹袭击中国驻贝尔格莱德大使馆，致三名中国记者死亡。克林顿政府解释那是误炸，江泽民拒绝接受那个说法。 And in a standoff in 2001, he demanded that the United States shoulder full responsibility for a collision between a Chinese fighter jet and a propeller-driven American surveillance plane. The collision caused the death of the Chinese pilot and an emergency landing of the American plane on Hainan, a southern Chinese island, where its crew was detained. 2001年，中美再次对抗。他要求美国为中国战机与美国螺旋桨式侦察机相撞一事承担全部责任。那次碰撞导致一名中国飞行员死亡，美国飞机在海南迫降，飞行员被捕。 But it was not a coincidence that Mr. Jiang’s years in office were the golden age of China’s embrace of globalization. He won China’s entry into the World Trade Organization in late 2001 after years of contentious negotiations, primarily with the United States. And he overhauled Communist Party doctrine, modernizing a movement rooted in the working classes and peasantry into one that courted and co-opted intellectuals and an emerging business elite. 但江泽民执政时期也是中国拥抱全球化的黄金时期，这并非偶然。经过数年艰苦谈判（主要是中美之间），中国在2001年末加入了世界贸易组织。而且，他还改造了中共的理念，让一个植根于工农阶级的政治运动现代化，使其变得欢迎和吸收知识分子与新兴商业精英。 His critics in China and abroad viewed these steps as little more than tacking with the political winds. And in truth, Mr. Jiang’s pro-market leanings commingled with an intolerance of dissent. After members of the Falun Gong spiritual sect surrounded the Communist Party headquarters in protest in April 1999, Mr. Jiang pressed for mass detentions, which set the pattern for later rounds of repression and for an increasingly powerful security state. 中国和外界的批评者说，这些做法不过是政治上的见风使舵。不错，江泽民倾向市场的态度与他对异见的不容忍是相融为一的。1999年4月，法轮功成员在中南海聚众抗议，江泽民下令大规模抓人，为后来的多次政治迫害开出了先例，也成为日后一个更为强大的安保国家的开端。 “How could it be that the Falun Gong just appeared?” Mr. Jiang exclaimed, according to a 2005 biography by Robert Lawrence Kuhn, who had Mr. Jiang’s implicit cooperation. “Where was our Ministry of Public Security? Where was our Ministry of State Security?” “法轮功怎么会在一夜之间突然冒出来？”根据罗伯特·劳伦斯·库恩2005年出版的江泽民传记，他曾大声质问：“我们的公安部门在哪里？我们的安全部门在哪里？” Rising From the Tumult 从混乱中崛起 Mr. Jiang will forever be known first as the man party elders plucked out of relative obscurity in 1989 when they were preparing to order the armed suppression of student protests based in Tiananmen Square. His hasty elevation to the pinnacle of China’s Communist Party led many to believe that his time there might well be brief and unremarkable. Even Mr. Jiang thought so. 江泽民首先被人们记住的，永远会是1989年被党内大佬从默默无闻中提拔起来的那段经历。当时，中共做好了准备，将派军队镇压天安门广场的学生运动。他的地位迅速提升至中共权力顶峰，这让很多人相信，他在中共的领导地位可能也不会长久，不会有什么出众之处。就连江泽民本人也这么想。 1989年，北京，数以千计的人聚集在天安门广场进行支持民主的集会。 SADAYUKI MIKAMI/ASSOCIATED PRESS“I had no intention of heading the whole country,” he told Mike Wallace on “60 Minutes” in 2000. “I hoped that a more capable candidate would take the job.” 2000年在《60分钟》节目上，他告诉麦克·华莱士：“我完全无意领导整个国家。我曾希望一个更有能力的候选人会担任这份工作。” Acting outside normal party rules, Mr. Deng and a handful of retired elders decided to replace the party general secretary, Zhao Ziyang, who had resisted authorizing the use of armed force against the students. Mr. Zhao spent the rest of his life under house arrest, dying in 2005. 邓小平和其他几位中共元老打破党的既有规则，罢黜了总书记赵紫阳。赵曾反对下令军队镇压学生，他的余生在软禁中度过，2005年逝世。 For his replacement, Mr. Deng looked to Shanghai, where Mr. Jiang, the city’s party secretary, had tamed student protests without bloodshed. 邓小平在上海物色接替者。任上海市委书记的江泽民在那里控制住了学生示威活动，没有发生流血事件。 “This fellow Jiang Zemin has ideas, ability and also has charisma,” Mr. Deng said at a meeting in May 1989, according to an account by Li Peng, the prime minister at the time. 据当时任国务院总理的李鹏回忆，1989年5月的一次会上，邓小平说：“江泽民这个人有想法，有能力，也有魅力。” Jiang Zemin (his given name, Zemin, roughly means “benefit the people”) was born on Aug. 17, 1926, in Yangzhou, an ancient Yangtze River city northwest of Shanghai. 江泽民（他的名字有惠泽人民的意思）于1926年8月17日出生在扬州。那是一座长江边的古城，位于上海的西北面。 His father, Jiang Shijun, was an accountant in an electric power company and then a manager of a ferry company. His mother, Wu Yueqing, came from a farming family. Two of his uncles were activists in the Communist movement against the Nationalist government, and after one was killed in a skirmish in 1939, the young Mr. Jiang was designated the successor of the uncle’s family. 他的父亲江世俊曾是一家电气公司的会计，后来成为一个渡轮公司的经理。他的母亲吴月清出身农民家庭。他的两位叔父参加了反抗国民党政府的共产主义运动，1939年其中一位叔父遇袭身亡后，年幼的江泽民被过继到他家成为嗣子。 Mr. Jiang joined the Communist Party in 1946 in Shanghai, where he studied electrical engineering and learned English. His first job was as a technician for a company founded by American investors that made Pretty Girl ice cream and other frozen treats. When the Communists took power in 1949, Mr. Jiang helped put the factory under party control and change the name of the ice cream to Bright. That feat won the attention of a party figure, Wang Daohan, who would become a lifelong patron of Mr. Jiang’s. 江泽民于1946年在上海加入中国共产党，当时他在那里读电气工程专业，并学了英语。他的第一份工作是在一家由美国人投资创办的公司作技术员，公司的产品包括美女牌棒冰及其他一些冷饮。1949年中共掌权后，工厂在江泽民的协助下被共产党接管，并将产品更名为“光明牌”。这项成绩引起了党内人物汪道涵的注意，此人后来一直是江泽民的支持者。 Even in old age, Mr. Jiang liked to sing English-language tunes remembered from his cosmopolitan youth, including one called “Moonlight and Shadows,” from the 1936 Hollywood movie “The Jungle Princess.” 江泽民一直到晚年都喜欢唱英文歌，缅怀自己放眼世界的青春岁月，其中包括出自1936年好莱坞电影《丛林公主》(The Jungle Princess)的《月光与影子》(Moonlight and Shadows)。 1992年，中国玉泉山，时任中国国家主席江泽民与夫人王冶坪。 XINHUA, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESSIn 1951, Mr. Jiang married Wang Yeping, a fellow native of Yangzhou, and they had two sons: Jiang Mianheng, who became an electrical engineer, a business executive and the president of a science institute; and Jiang Miankang, who also became an engineer-turned-businessman and government official. 1951年，江泽民与同为扬州人的王冶坪结婚，两人育有二子：江绵恒和江绵康，前者后来成为一名电气工程师、企业高管和科技大学校长；后者也是从工程师转行的商人和政府官员。 Mr. Jiang rose through the industrial bureaucracy, working for a while in the 1950s at the Stalin Automobile Works in Moscow and spending a year as a diplomat in Romania, where he picked up folk tunes that he would sing for visitors decades later. 江泽民在工业系统内逐步升迁，1950年代曾在莫斯科的斯大林汽车厂工作，还作为外交人员在罗马尼亚待过一年，他在那里学会了一些日后会唱给来访宾客听的民谣。 After China began opening up from the late 1970s, Mr. Jiang was promoted to a foreign investment and trade commission that helped establish special economic zones in Guangdong and Fujian Provinces. The experience gave him an early taste of the political and bureaucratic hurdles that market reforms faced. He was selected as mayor of Shanghai in 1985, giving him ties to the incipient commercial boom in coastal regions. 1970年代末中国开始改革开放后，江泽民被提拔到一个外国投资和贸易委员会，参与创建广东和福建的经济特区。这段经历让他初次领略市场改革会遇到的政治和官僚障碍。他在1985年被任命为上海市长，让他在沿海地区刚刚出现的商业繁荣之中获得了人脉。 Mr. Jiang was promoted to Shanghai party secretary, the city’s top job, and then to the national party’s ruling body, the Politburo, in 1987. Two years later, when student protests rocked the nation, Shanghai avoided widespread bloodshed. 江泽民于1987年被提拔为上海市委书记，继而进入中共领导机构政治局。两年后学生抗议活动震动全国之时，上海成功地避免了流血。 Mr. Jiang’s loyalty and his distance from the violence in Beijing were powerful factors in his favor, the scholar Bruce Gilley wrote in his 1998 biography of Mr. Jiang, “Tiger on the Brink.” Yet it was unclear at the start whether Mr. Jiang would be much more than a caretaker until a permanent leader was found. 学者杜林(Bruce Gilley)在1998年出版的江泽民传记《悬崖上的老虎》(Tiger on the Brink)中说，江泽民的忠诚，加之与北京的暴力局面保持了一定距离，让他占据了很大优势。然而他的地位在一开始并不明朗，有人觉得在确定正式的领导人选之前，他只是一个临时的角色。 Tilting Toward Capitalism 倾向资本主义 Lacking a political base, Mr. Jiang went along with the party’s conservative tilt after 1989. He took a tough stance against dissent, deeming stability the nation’s top priority, even rivaling Mr. Deng’s economic transformation. And he endorsed policies that pointed toward a reassertion of party control over economic life. 缺乏政治后台的江在1989年后偏向了保守派。他对异见人士采取强硬立场，认为稳定是国家的头等大事，甚至可与邓小平的经济改革相提并论。他支持加强党对经济生活的控制。 “When Jiang Zemin first came to power, he didn’t have his own power and needed to rely on the elders,” said Yang Jisheng, a Beijing historian whose works include a political history of China under reform. “The elders were divided, and Jiang Zemin was trying to please both sides, but he ended up displeasing Deng Xiaoping.” “江泽民刚上台的时候没有自己的势力，需要倚仗老同志，”著有一部改革年代中国政治史的北京史学家杨继绳说。“老同志也是分两派的，江泽民两边都想讨好，但最后得罪了邓小平。” Mr. Deng, elderly but still powerful, increasingly worried that his legacy of economic liberalization would be destroyed by an ideological backlash, and he rebuked Mr. Jiang publicly in 1992 by barnstorming China’s south coast, the cradle of economic reform, complaining that China’s transformation was stalling. 年事已高但仍掌握着权力的邓小平越来越担心，自己的经济自由化成就会毁于一场意识形态运动，他在1992年前往南方沿海的经济改革发源地巡视，公开表达了对江的不满，认为中国的改革步伐太过缓慢。 Mr. Jiang “said that 1992 was the hardest year of his life,” Mr. Kuhn, his biographer, said in an interview. 江泽民“曾说过，1992年是他人生最艰难的一年”，他的传记作者库恩在一次采访中说。 Getting the message that his patron was chafing for change, Mr. Jiang embraced China’s state-managed capitalism. Zhu Rongji, his successor as Shanghai mayor and an economic reformer, had been brought to Beijing months earlier to buttress Mr. Jiang. He became the point man for Mr. Deng’s market liberalization as deputy prime minister and later as prime minister. 江泽民听懂了老领导那里传来的需要做出改变的呼声，开始全面拥抱国家资本主义。朱熔基是他之后的上海市长，也是一位经济领域的改革家，那之前几个月被调到北京以辅助江泽民。在先后担任副总理和总理的过程中，朱镕基成了邓小平的市场自由化运动先锋。 Mr. Jiang wooed foreign investors, hosting the chief executives of multinational companies at Zhongnanhai, the Chinese leadership compound in Beijing. He encouraged major foreign-Chinese joint ventures, helping to transform the country into a primary global base for companies making pharmaceuticals, computers, automobiles and much more. He steered many billions of dollars in state investments toward China’s east coast cities, notably his political power base of Shanghai, creating first-world metropolises that impressed visitors. 江泽民向外国投资者示好，在其领导人居住地中南海接待了跨国公司的首席执行官们。他鼓励建立大型中外合资企业，从而帮助将中国变成了制药、电脑、汽车等领域的全球主要生产基地。他向中国东海岸城市做出了数以十亿美元计的巨额国家投资，特别是他的政治权力基地上海，创造了一个第一世界大都会，给来访者留下深刻印象。 As Mr. Jiang grew comfortable in power, he sought to sell China’s system and himself in a freewheeling manner that his successors would abhor. When President Bill Clinton visited China in 1998, Mr. Jiang broke with customary caution and allowed a joint news conference to be broadcast live on Chinese television. The two presidents parried over human rights and Tibet. 随着权力变得越来越巩固，他试图用一种无羁无束的方式推销中国的制度，以及他自己，而他的继任者们对此相当反感 。当克林顿总统在1998年访华时，江主席放弃了一贯的谨慎小心，在中国电视上直播了联合新闻发布会。两国领导人当时就人权和西藏问题展开舌战。 1998年，天安门广场一场欢迎仪式上的克林顿总统与江泽民。 VINCENT THIAN/ASSOCIATED PRESS“You could see that he wanted to be thought of as somebody who was not the sort of retrograde, Leninist leader clinging to his notes,” said the journalist Orville Schell, who was on Mr. Clinton’s trip and who is now director of the Center on U.S.-China Relations at the Asia Society in New York. “He wanted China to emerge out of the chrysalis of its isolation.” “你可以看到，他不想被认为是一个陈腐的列宁主义领导人，谨慎地去照本宣科，”当年曾和克林顿总统同行的记者奥维尔·谢尔(Orville Schell)说。“他希望中国从封闭孤立中走出来。”谢尔现在是纽约亚洲协会美中关系中心的主任。 Overcoming passionate objections by party hard-liners, Mr. Jiang and Mr. Zhu shepherded China into full membership in the World Trade Organization, giving it increased access to global markets and, in principle, ensuring that foreign businesses would have greater access to Chinese markets. It was perhaps the most crucial act in a long struggle to bring China into the international arena. 江泽民和朱镕基克服了党内强硬派激烈的反对意见，让中国成为了世界贸易组织的正式成员，从而拓宽了该国进入全球市场的道路，并在原则上确保外国企业能够更顺畅地走进中国市场。这或许是中国奋力走上国际舞台的漫长过程中最重要的事件。 China’s economy took off, and the country produced its first millionaires, then billionaires. It fell to Mr. Zhu, with fiscal instincts that Mr. Jiang lacked, to douse the economic excesses of the 1990s. 此后，中国的经济起飞，该国产生了第一批百万富豪，然后是亿万富豪。朱镕基拥有江泽民所缺少的经济嗅觉，正是他浇灭了九十年代经济无理性发展的大火。 “He was comfortable letting Zhu Rongji do the dirty work, but he was backing Zhu Rongji,” said Mr. Roy, the former ambassador. “他乐于让朱镕基做那些费力麻烦的工作，但他也向朱镕基提供了支持，”前任大使罗伊说。 For the Communist Party, prosperity brought another problem: how to find a new doctrinal footing amid growing affluence and inequality. Mr. Jiang’s response — one of his most important political accomplishments — was the theory of the Three Represents. 对共产党来说，繁荣带来了另一个问题：如何在日益提升的财富和不平等之间找到新的意识形态立足点。江泽民对此的回应是他最重要的政治成就之一，即“三个代表”理论。 It was a call for the party to represent not only the working class, but also the very classes that it once deemed oppressors: the rich entrepreneurs and bourgeoisie. Leading party theorists saw Mr. Jiang’s plan as a risky attempt to defuse potential opposition to single-party rule by a class with both the money and the power to foster political instability. 这一思想理论呼吁，党不仅代表工人阶级，也代表曾被视为压迫者的阶级：富有的企业家和资产阶级。主要的共产党理论家认为，江泽民的计划是一个冒险的尝试，旨在消除新兴阶级对一党统治的潜在反对，这一阶级拥有催生政治不稳定的金钱和力量。 “The decision to move the private entrepreneurs into the party was a big deal, and he took a lot of flak for that,” said Mr. Johnson, the former C.I.A. analyst. “Jiang saw that they were an emerging constituency that they could either have inside the tent or making trouble from outside the tent.” “将民营企业家纳入党的决定是一件大事，他为此承受了巨大非议，”前中央情报局分析师约翰逊说，“江泽民认为，他们是一个蓬勃发展的阶层，可以把他们请到帐篷里，也可以看着他们在帐篷外闹事。” The feral capitalism that Mr. Jiang and Mr. Zhu fostered created a wide rich-poor divide even as it lifted vast numbers from poverty, and it nurtured a culture of official corruption and cronyism. 江泽民和朱镕基所倡导的那种野性资本主义在让无数人摆脱贫困的同时，也带来了巨大的贫富差距，培养了官僚腐败和裙带主义的文化。 “In some ways, that was the start of this live-and-let-live attitude toward corruption that Xi Jinping now finds himself attacking,” said Joseph Fewsmith, a professor at Boston University who studies Chinese leadership politics. “在某种程度上，这正是那种腐败也是可以接受的态度的肇始，习近平现在要打击的就是这个，”波士顿大学教授、研究中国领导政治的傅士卓(Joseph Fewsmith)说。 Wielding Influence 发挥影响力 By the time Mr. Jiang retired from the party leadership in 2002 and from the presidency in 2003, his influence and self-regard had swollen so much that he was reluctant to leave the political stage. (His successor, Hu Jintao, had already been designated by Mr. Deng.) 到江泽民2002年从党的领导层卸任、2003年卸任国家主席时，他的影响力和自我已经大幅膨胀，以至于不愿离开政治舞台。（他的继任者胡锦涛早已被邓小平指定。） Mr. Jiang lingered as chairman of the party’s Central Military Commission, overseeing the People’s Liberation Army until 2004, and then continued to play a back-room role in promotions. Party insiders said Mr. Jiang had used his influence to shape the leadership lineup that Mr. Xi inherited when he became party leader in November 2012. 江泽民继续担任中央军委主席，负责领导解放军，直到2004年，此后还不断在升迁事宜中扮演后台角色。党内人士表示，江泽民动用影响力，帮助塑造了习近平2012年11月成为党的领导人时继承的领导阵容。 In August 2015, People’s Daily, the party’s flagship newspaper, issued an unusually blunt warning that retired leaders should stay out of politics and “cool off” like a cup of tea after a guest has left. The commentary fanned rumors that Mr. Xi had been irked by Mr. Jiang’s efforts to exert power behind the scenes, but the two men soon after appeared on the rostrum together with former President Hu Jintao during a military parade in Beijing. 2015年8月，党的旗舰报刊“人民日报”发表了一个异常直白的警告，称退休后的领导人应该远离政治，就像在客人离开之后“人走茶凉”。这一说法挑起了人们对于习近平不满江泽民在幕后活动的传言，但二人在此后不久便在一次阅兵活动中与前主席胡锦涛一起出现在台上。 But the influence of Mr. Jiang and his coterie of allies, sometimes known as the Shanghai Faction, has faded over the last decade. At a Communist Party congress last month, Mr. Xi installed a new Politburo Standing Committee, the seven men who run China, that is entirely composed of his loyalists, with no holdovers of officials with close ties to his predecessors, Mr. Jiang and Mr. Hu. 但在过去几年，江泽民和他那个有时被称为“上海帮“的小圈子的影响力逐渐减弱。在上个月的中共二十大上，习近平任命了新一届政治局常委，这七位拥有中国最高权力的男性全部是忠于他的人，与前任江泽民以及胡锦涛关系密切的官员都未能留任。 “Jiang Zemin continued to wield influence even after he stepped down, but that hurt his reputation,” said Mr. Yang, the Beijing historian. “He did that because he was comfortable with power, but also because around him there was a circle of people who relied on him and puffed him up to make him think he was indispensable.” “江泽民下台后继续施加影响，但是这一点也损害了他的声誉。”北京历史学家杨继绳说，“他这样做是因为他习惯于运用权力，也因为在他周围，有一圈人依靠他，吹捧他，让他认为自己是不可或缺的。” 去年，江泽民的形象出现在了中国建党100周年的庆典上。 LINTAO ZHANG/GETTY IMAGESBut in his last years, Mr. Jiang became an unlikely online folk hero for younger Chinese. They mocked his mannerisms and purported resemblance to a toad, while slyly celebrating his relative tolerance compared with his successors. They recalled the time in 2000 when he berated Hong Kong journalists in English: “Too simple, sometimes naïve.” 但风烛残年的江泽民出乎意料地被中国年轻一代奉为网络民间英雄。他们嘲笑他的言谈举止，称他长得像一只蛤蟆，同时也在俏皮地称赞他相比继任者要宽容一些。他们回忆起2000年他用英语斥责香港记者：“Too simple, sometimes naïve.（太简单，有时太天真。）” In his appearance on “60 Minutes” in 2000, Mr. Jiang, smiling determinedly, his eyes obscured by huge square eyeglasses, recited the opening of the Gettysburg Address, which he had learned as a student. When Mr. Wallace said that some people had called him a “silk-wrapped needle,” a man with hidden toughness, Mr. Jiang demurred, though with a flourish. 2000年接受电视节目《60分钟》采访时，江泽民自信地微笑着，眼睛被巨大的方形眼镜遮住，背诵了葛底斯堡演说的开篇部分，那是他在学生时代学习过的。华莱士问他，有些人说他“绵里藏针”，是一个内在强硬的男人，江泽民表示否认，不过也稍稍卖弄了一下。 “People used the same phrase to describe the character of Deng Xiaoping,” he said. “I don’t think I should be put on a par with Deng.” “人们曾对邓小平有过这样的评价，”他说。 “我不敢和他相比。” But, he added, “I am a decisive figure.” 不过他补充说：“我这个人的性格还是比较果断的。” Joseph Kahn对本文有报道贡献。 储百亮(Chris Buckley)是《纽约时报》首席中国记者。他成长于澳大利亚悉尼，在过去30年中的大部分时间内居住在中国。在2012年加入《纽约时报》之前，他是路透社的一名记者。欢迎在Twitter上关注他：@ChuBailiang。 Michael Wines负责报道选举和其他与选举相关的议题。他自1988年加入时报，曾报道司法部、白宫、国会、俄罗斯、南非、中国以及许多其他议题。欢迎在Twitter上关注他：@miwine。 翻译：纽约时报中文网 点击查看本文英文版。 相关报道杨尚昆讣告：江泽民的“眼中钉”2016年10月21日 “膜蛤文化”盛行中国网络2015年10月21日 江泽民释出放权信号2013年1月24日 江泽民插手中共决策2012年11月8日 最受欢迎中共前最高领导人江泽民去世，享年96岁 中国人的抗议表达：白纸、方程式和“对对对对”墙 恐吓、审查、抹黑：中国当局部署安全机器打压抗议活动 中国央视世界杯转播删减观众席镜头 北京罕见政治抗议凸显焦虑和不确定性 自豪、害怕与矛盾：中国年轻抗议者讲述自己的故事 关于中国多地爆发的抗议活动，你应该知道的 “不要核酸要自由”：中国多地爆发反封控抗议 白宫对中国抗议活动谨慎表态：每个人都有和平抗议的权利 大规模抗议席卷中国：要求结束封控，罕见表达政治诉求 国际 中国 商业与经济 镜头 科技 科学 健康 教育 文化 风尚 旅游 房地产 观点与评论 免费下载 纽约时报中文网 iOS 和 Android App 点击下载iOS App点击下载Android App点击下载Android APK © 2022 The New York Times Company.