观点美国该如何帮助台湾反抗中国的霸凌This Is How the U.S. Will Stand With TaiwanBOB MENENDEZ2022年8月5日 参加两栖登陆演习的台湾军人，摄于上周。 LAM YIK FEI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMESVladimir Putin’s brutal attack on his Ukrainian neighbors has sparked global outrage — and forged unprecedented unity — among the democratic nations of the world. Not so with Xi Jinping, the hypernationalist president of the People’s Republic of China. Rather, he is no doubt taking notes and learning lessons from Russia’s unprovoked attack on Ukraine to apply to his plans for Taiwan. 普京对邻国乌克兰的残暴入侵已引发了世界上民主国家的全球性公愤，使后者前所未有地团结在一起。但中华人民共和国的极端民族主义领导人习近平非但没有表示愤怒，反而无疑正在从俄罗斯对乌克兰的无端入侵中吸取经验教训，将其应用于收复台湾的计划。 The United States and our partners in the international community need to do the same to develop and put in place a new and more resilient strategy for Taiwan while there is still time. 美国和我们在国际社会的伙伴们也需要采取同样的做法，趁现在还有时间，帮助台湾制定并实施一种新的、更具弹性的战略。 A clear lesson from the war in Ukraine is that authoritarian leaders have been emboldened in recent years by dysfunctional democracies and hesitant international institutions. Accordingly, the United States needs less ambiguity to guide our approach to Taiwan. In today’s world — with Mr. Xi’s China — a robust and credible deterrence to preserve peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait requires clarity in word and deed. President Biden vowed in May to use force to defend Taiwan — the third time he has said so, even though his aides have said the longstanding U.S. policy of strategic ambiguity has not changed. 乌克兰战争给人们的一个明确教训是，近年来，由于民主国家功能失调、国际机构犹豫不决，威权主义领导人变得更加大胆。因此，美国需要减少我们对台政策的模糊性。在当今世界——考虑到中国在习近平的统治下，为了维护台海稳定，强大、可信的威慑需要在语言和行动上保持明确。拜登总统今年5月誓言要用武力保卫台湾，这已是他第三次这么说了，尽管他的助手们一直表示，美国长期以来的战略模糊政策没有改变。 The moral and strategic case for standing with Taiwan, whose people share our interests and our values, could not be clearer. China is carrying out influence campaigns against Taiwan using cyberattacks and disinformation, deploying propaganda to reinforce its “one China” message, spreading disinformation and conspiracy theories to divide Taiwanese society and make it easier to gain control of the island. This is a plan of attack eerily reminiscent of Mr. Putin’s in Ukraine. 台湾人民与我们有着共同的利益和价值观，与台湾站在一起的道义和战略理由再清楚不过了。中国正在使用网络攻击和虚假信息展开针对台湾的影响力运动，开动宣传机器以强化“一个中国”信息，散布假消息和阴谋论以分裂台湾社会，使其更容易获得对该岛的控制权。这种攻击计划让人不安地想起普京的乌克兰行动。 China is also employing coercive economic tactics against any nation or company that does not fall in line with Beijing’s anti-Taiwan policy, going as far as imposing a trade embargo on Lithuania for welcoming a Taiwanese representative office in Vilnius. Given Taiwan’s role as “foundry to the world” for the manufacture of advanced microchips, Beijing’s willingness to threaten supply chains and potentially hold the global economy hostage is a matter of concern for the United States’ prosperity and security and those of our allies and partners. 中国还在经济上对所有不按照其反台政策行事的国家和企业采取迫胁做法，在立陶宛接受台湾在维尔纽斯设立代表处后，甚至对该国实施了贸易封锁。考虑到台湾在生产先进微芯片方面“世界代工厂”的角色，对美国以及我们的盟友和伙伴的繁荣与安全来说，中国政府威胁供应链并可能挟持全球经济的意愿是一个需要严重关切的问题。 Making matters worse, Taiwan now also faces an aggressive Chinese military, which seems determined to be postured for an invasion in the coming years. 更糟糕的是，台湾现在还面临着咄咄逼人的中国军队，后者似乎已做出要在未来几年发动入侵战争的姿态。 China’s rapid military buildup with new technologies and weapons deployed against Taiwan threatens to destabilize the entire Indo-Pacific. There are near daily Chinese military incursions into Taiwan’s air defense zone and dangerous and unsafe Chinese Navy maneuvers intended to coerce and intimidate Taiwan on the high seas as well. Only a few weeks ago, 29 Chinese military aircraft, including six bombers, flew into Taiwan’s air defense zone — sending a clear message of a potential blockade — before returning to base. These are not the actions of a nation with a policy of maintaining peace and stability. These are the actions of a nation intent on aggression. 中国加快军事建设，针对台湾部署新技术、新武器，这是对整个印太地区稳定的威胁。中国几乎每天派军机进入台湾的防空识别区，中国海军在公海上进行危险的、不安全的演习，意图胁迫和恐吓台湾。就在几周前，包括六架轰炸机在内的29架中国军机飞入台湾的防空识别区后返回基地，这是对可能的封锁发出的明确信息。这些都不是一个奉行维护和平与稳定政策的国家该采取的做法。这些是一个决意进行侵略的国家的行径。 Moreover, Beijing’s recent threats over Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s trip to Taiwan were as predictable as they were indicative of Mr. Xi’s truculence. But the United States must be clear: Using her visit as an excuse for performative sound and fury is simply that: a pretext for more aggressive steps that China has been preparing to take anyway. That is why Ms. Pelosi was right in not letting China decide who can and cannot visit Taiwan. The result of Beijing’s bluster should be to stiffen resolve in Taipei, in Washington and across the region. There are many strategies to continue standing up to Chinese aggression; there is clear bipartisan congressional agreement on the importance of acting now to provide the people of Taiwan with the type of support they desperately need. 此外，北京最近对众议院议长南希·佩洛西访台之行的威胁完全在意料之中，其展示的正是习近平的好斗。但美国必须清楚地认识到：把佩洛西的访问作为大发雷霆的借口，只不过是中国一直都准备采取的更好斗步骤的托辞。这就是为什么佩洛西是对的，不能让中国来决定谁能、谁不能访问台湾。北京威吓的后果应该是坚定台北、华盛顿和整个地区的决心。有许多继续抵抗中国侵略的策略；立即采取行动向台湾人民提供他们迫切需要的支持，关于这一点的重要性，国会的两党议员们有着明确的共识。 We saw the warning signs for Ukraine in 2014 and failed to take action that might have deterred further Russian aggression. We cannot afford to repeat that mistake with Taiwan. 我们在2014年就看到了乌克兰的危险苗头，但没有采取可能会阻止俄罗斯发动进一步侵略的行动。我们不能在台湾问题上重蹈覆辙。 That is why I have worked with Senator Lindsey Graham to introduce the bipartisan Taiwan Policy Act of 2022. 这就是我与参议员林赛·格雷厄姆一起提出《2022年台湾政策法案》的原因。 Our legislation would reinforce the security of Taiwan by providing almost $4.5 billion in security assistance over the next four years and recognizing Taiwan as a “major non-NATO ally” — a powerful designation to facilitate closer military and security ties. It would also expand Taiwan’s diplomatic space through its participation in international organizations and in multilateral trade agreements. 我们的法案将加强台湾的安全防卫，包括在未来四年向台湾提供近45亿美元的安全援助，承认台湾为“主要的非北约盟友”，这个强有力的名称将促进更密切的军事和安全关系。法案将通过让台湾参与国际组织和多边贸易协定来扩大台湾的外交空间。 The legislation would also take concrete steps to counter China’s aggressive influence campaigns, impose crippling economic costs if Beijing takes hostile action against Taiwan (such as financial, banking, visa and other sanctions) and reform American bureaucratic practices to bolster support for Taiwan’s democratic government. In short, this effort would be the most comprehensive restructuring of U.S. policy toward Taiwan since the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979. 该法案还将采取具体措施，反击中国咄咄逼人的影响力运动，如果中国对台湾采取敌对行动（比如采取金融、银行、签证和其他制裁措施）的话，就要让它付出沉重的经济代价，并改革美国的官僚做法，以增强对台湾民主政府的支持。简言之，这个立法努力将是自1979年《与台湾关系法》以来美国对台政策的最全面调整。 While Beijing will likely rely on a planned narrative of blaming the United States for any aggression, the fact is that it’s China, not the United States, that has been steadily seeking to change the status quo with Taiwan. 尽管北京可能会坚持其既定叙事，指责美国是任何侵略行径的始作俑者，但事实是，中国才是一直稳步寻求改变台湾现状的国家，而不是美国。 The United States and our partners must remain cleareyed as we respond with measured steps during this critical window of opportunity — before China unalterably changes the cross-strait dynamic to its advantage and sets the stage for a possible invasion of Taiwan — to reinvigorate our diplomatic strategy. To work with Taipei to modernize its military to maintain deterrence. To combat Beijing’s political influence and misinformation campaigns. And to develop deeper ties between our two peoples. 随着美国和我们的伙伴们在一个关键的机会窗口以谨慎的步骤做出响应，我们必须保持清醒的头脑——我们需要在中国不可逆转地改变两岸动态使其对自己有利、为对台湾的可能入侵铺平道路之前，重振我们的外交战略。我们要与台湾政府一起，将它的军队现代化以保持威慑。我们要与北京的政治影响力和虚假信息运动作斗争。还要深化美国人民与台湾人民之间的关系。 As China challenges us across every dimension of national security — militarily, economically and diplomatically and on values — we are laying out a new vision that ensures our country is positioned to defend Taiwan for decades to come. Getting our strategy right is essential to deter and constrain Beijing’s problematic behavior and to encourage Mr. Xi to make different choices from Mr. Putin’s. 当中国从军事、经济、外交和价值观等国家安全的所有方面挑战我们的时候，我们正在制定一个新的愿景，确保我们的国家有能力在未来几十年保卫台湾。正确的战略对阻止和约束北京的不良行为，以及鼓励习近平做出不同于普京的选择而言至关重要。 To be clear, the United States is not the world’s policeman. But surely we have a moral and practical obligation to stand with the people of Taiwan, who want only to be able to determine their own future. 需要明确的是，美国不是世界警察。但毫无疑问，我们有道义和实际义务与台湾人民站在一起，因为台湾人民想要的只是决定自己未来的能力。 If we do nothing, then we must be comfortable with effectively ceding Taiwan by letting China continue its unabated military, economic and diplomatic bullying campaign. 如果什么都不做的话，那我们就必须接受中国继续在军事、经济和外交上采取有增无减的霸凌行径，从而在事实上将台湾放弃。 Mr. Putin’s delusions in Ukraine could not make the catastrophic global consequences of inaction clearer. 普京对乌克兰的妄想已再清楚不过地显现出不作为的灾难性全球后果。 Bob Menendez (@SenatorMenendez)是新泽西州民主党人，自2006年起一直担任参议员。他也是参议院外交关系委员会主席。 翻译：纽约时报中文网 点击查看本文英文版。 相关报道佩洛西访台或削弱美国与亚太盟友关系2022年8月4日 中国用军事演习锻炼封锁台湾能力2022年8月4日 中国“锁台军演”，美国担忧擦枪走火2022年8月4日 中国真的能“武统”台湾吗？2022年8月3日 最受欢迎民族主义的“反噬”：为何他们不满北京对佩洛西访台的应对 中国进行“锁台军演”，美国官员担忧擦枪走火 惩罚佩洛西访台，中国用军事演习锻炼封锁台湾能力 中国真的能“武统”台湾吗？ 佩洛西访台或削弱美国与亚太盟友统一战线 万众瞩目的航班：佩洛西专机为何绕行一圈才抵达台湾？ 为什么佩洛西的访台计划无比鲁莽、不负责任 面对一个恃强凌弱的中国，佩洛西不应退缩 台湾人如何看待佩洛西访台行程？ 佩洛西访台唤醒台海危机记忆 国际 中国 商业与经济 镜头 科技 科学 健康 教育 文化 风尚 旅游 房地产 观点与评论 免费下载 纽约时报中文网 iOS 和 Android App 点击下载iOS App点击下载Android App点击下载Android APK © 2022 The New York Times Company.